Veteran Democratic consultant Tad Devine released a 256‑page book titled How the Democrats Screwed Bernie on Monday, charging that the party's establishment blocked Sen. Bernie Sanders' bid for the 2016 nomination. The book arrives as Sanders‑aligned candidates are winning primaries and polls show a growing openness to democratic socialism among the party's base.
Devine's résumé reads like a who's who of modern Democratic campaigns. He served as a senior adviser on Al Gore's 2000 run and John Kerry's 2004 effort, both of which ended in defeat. After those campaigns he became a regular commentator on cable news, offering analysis that often reflected the party's mainstream perspective. His latest work marks a rare public break with that perspective.
According to the book, Devine first worked with Sanders during a difficult House race in 1996 and later helped the senator secure his 2006 inaugural Senate campaign. At the time, many party insiders doubted whether a self‑identified democratic socialist could win a seat in a traditionally moderate state. The DNC rallied behind Sanders, he won comfortably, and Devine secured a client who would later mount a high‑profile presidential challenge.
Devine argues that Sanders' national surge was built on the same populist anger that propelled Donald Trump in 2015. The word "rigged" appears repeatedly in the text, reflecting Sanders' criticism of free markets, special‑interest influence, and what he called capitalist greed. Devine notes that Sanders used the term before Trump popularized it.
The bulk of the narrative, however, focuses on procedural grievances rather than policy substance. Devine revisits the 2016 primary debate over superdelegates, the financial advantage held by Hillary Clinton's campaign through allied super‑PACs, and Sanders' limited access to DNC voter files. He contends that these structural factors created an uneven playing field that favored the establishment candidate.
Understanding those grievances requires a brief look at how the Democratic nomination process works. The party's delegate system combines pledged delegates, who are allocated to candidates based on the results of state primaries and caucuses, with unpledged delegates, commonly called superdelegates. In 2016, the Democratic National Committee (DNC) allowed superdelegates, party officials, governors and members of Congress, to vote for any candidate at the convention, regardless of primary outcomes. While superdelegates comprised roughly 15 percent of the total delegate count, their votes could tip a close contest. Critics, including Sanders supporters, argued that the presence of superdelegates gave the party establishment a back‑stop to override the will of primary voters.
Super‑PACs added another layer of disparity. Unlike candidate‑direct committees, super‑PACs can raise unlimited sums from individuals, corporations and unions, provided they do not coordinate directly with a campaign. Clinton's campaign benefited from a network of allied super‑PACs that poured tens of millions of dollars into advertising, voter outreach and data analytics. Sanders' campaign, constrained by campaign‑finance limits, relied heavily on small donations but could not match the flood of money that saturated swing states and key media markets.
The timing of the book is notable. It was completed in the wake of the Democratic Party's loss to President Donald Trump in the 2024 election, a defeat that prompted many strategists to call for a return to moderate messaging. In the epilogue Devine blames former Vice President Kamala Harris's defeat on the party's effort to replace President Joe Biden on the ballot and urges a "new generation of leadership." The language mirrors typical operative talking points rather than a radical leftward shift.
Recent data suggest that the establishment concerns Devine raises may be losing relevance. A Washington Post‑Ipsos poll released in July found that three quarters of Democratic voters said they would consider supporting a democratic socialist for president. Other surveys indicate that a majority of self‑identified Democrats now view socialism more favorably than capitalism. These shifts have translated into fundraising success for Sanders‑aligned candidates.
For example, progressive candidate Graham Platner, who ran for the Maine Senate seat, raised a reported $21 million, outpacing incumbent Republican Susan Collins despite Platner's extremist statements and a Nazi tattoo. In New York City, Democratic Socialists of America backed mayoral hopeful Zohran Mamdani, who raised nearly $1 million in the last quarter, placing him near the top of the fundraising leaderboard. Senior Democratic strategists told me that a Sanders endorsement now carries roughly one third of the vote in a typical Democratic primary, a stark contrast to the brand's earlier marginal status.
The book's release also sparks discussion about the role of political consultants in a movement that frequently attacks the influence of moneyed interests. Devine, who has earned a living advising candidates who criticize the very class he represents, is portrayed by some critics as emblematic of the "consultant class" that profits from populist anger while remaining insulated from its ideological currents.
While the story is rooted in American politics, it has resonance north of the border. Canada's New Democratic Party and the progressive wing of the Liberal Party have faced similar debates over the influence of grassroots fundraising and the role of party elites. The rise of left‑leaning candidates in both countries raises questions about how traditional party structures will adapt to a base that increasingly embraces socialist ideas. In Canada, the federal NDP's 2023 leadership race highlighted tensions between long‑time organizers and newcomers who demand more transparent financing and a stronger role for rank‑and‑file members.
As the book heads to shelves, its impact on the ongoing debate within the Democratic Party remains uncertain. Devine's insider critique may fuel calls for reform of the DNC's delegate rules or for greater transparency in primary processes. Proposals under discussion include eliminating superdelegates entirely, tightening access to voter data for non‑establishment campaigns, and imposing stricter limits on coordination between campaigns and super‑PACs. At the same time, the growing electoral strength of Sanders‑aligned candidates suggests that the party's base is already reshaping its own agenda, regardless of establishment resistance.
Readers can purchase How the Democrats Screwed Bernie from Simon & Schuster for $28. The book's launch coincides with a broader conversation about the future direction of the Democratic Party as it prepares for the 2028 presidential cycle, a contest that is likely to feature multiple candidates who cite Sanders as a political forebear.